September 17, 2004

Farm to Factory, or, Production junction, what's your function?

fpi_coffecup.jpg So far we've seen two examples of modeling centrally-planned economies. In the first, by the American game designer Chris Crawford, production depends only on the allocation of labor. In the second, by the Soviet economist G. A. Fel'dman, production depends only on the allocation of capital.

I want to pause here a moment to savor the irony.

However, their omissions aren't thoughtless ones. A turn in Crawford's game is twenty years, so Crawford made the assumption that any capital investment made in one turn would have depreciated into nothingness by the next. Fel'dman went in the opposite direction: his implicit assumption was of a near-infinite mass of surplus labor in the background that could be allocated wherever production required it.

(I should note that the leading capitalist economic growth model of the 1950s and 1960s, developed by Arthur Lewis, also made a similar assumption.)

Still, most current economists prefer to model economic production using both labor and capital as input variables. They usually use a standard formula called the Cobb-Douglas function, which looks like this:

output = residual * [labor ^ (1 - alpha)] * [capital ^ (alpha)]

where the variable alpha is the fraction of the economy's output that accrues to capital, and 1 - alpha is the fraction that accrues to labor. In advanced economies, this tends to be around 30% capital to 70% labor.

This formula has some nicely realistic properties. For instance, if you double both your labor and your capital -- basically cloning your workers and your factories -- you double your output. In the jargon, it has constant returns to scale.

Another nice thing is that this formula shows diminishing returns. Adding more capital or labor to a larger base gives you less output bang for the buck, which is also realistic.

Finally, see that term I called the residual? That's better known as total factor productivity, or TFP for short. It's the fudge factor that wraps up technological advances, increases in efficiency and organization, and that secret Chemical X into a nice numeric bundle. Total factor productivity is where the cutting edge of economic growth happens.

Notoriously, Soviet total factor productivity is calculated to have been stagnant or negative from 1970 on. This is usually thought to have been a major contributing factor to the demise of the Soviet Union. Allen, of course, has a contrary explanation.

Unfortunately, it requires a few more technical details.

The Cobb-Douglas production function is mathematically rather easy to manipulate, which is one of the reasons why economists like it so much.

An example: say you have a Cobb-Douglas economy running at a steady level, and you increase the amount of labor relative to capital by 1%. Then wages (the price of labor) relative to the price of capital (rents) will have to decrease by 1%. If you raise the relative amount of labor by 2%, relative wages will drop by 2%, and so on. On the other hand, if you drop the relative amount of labor to capital by 1% -- or raise the relative amount of capital to labor by 1%; same thing -- relative wages will rise by 1%.

Makes sense, right?

This isn't something deliberately built into the function. Rather, it's a mathematical consequence of the form of the equation. Technically speaking, the Cobb-Douglas function shows an elasticity of substitution between capital and labor exactly equal to 1.

But do real world economies do this? It makes intuitive sense, but following one's intuition in economics can put you on the fast track to economics hell.

Fortunately, it's been studied, and for advanced capitalist economies like Japan, the elasticity of substitution really is pretty close to one. So the Cobb-Douglas function is good enough for most purposes.

However, in 1970, Martin Weitzman showed that Soviet data better fit an economy with an elasticity of substitution of approximately 0.40. And in 1995, William Easterly and Stanley Fischer analyzed more recent data, and agreed.

What does that 0.40 mean? One way of looking at it is that in the Soviet Union, an increase in the capital-to-labor ratio had two and a half times more effect on relative wages than in Japan. Another way of looking at it is that an increase in relative wages in the Soviet Union had only 40% the effect on the capital-to-labor ratio as it did in Japan.

Which view is correct? Both of them.

As a result, the high growth and slowdown periods of the modernizing Soviet economy stand in extremely sharp contrast to each other, even compared to similar phases in other countries that modernized rapidly, like Japan. The growth period, from roughly 1928 to 1950, was a time of relative labor surplus, when the capital-to-labor ratio was low, and growth from capital intensification almost one-to-one; the slow period, from roughly 1965 to 1989, was a time of relative labor scarcity, when the capital-to-labor ratio was high, and growth from capital intensification nearly stagnant.

Or, to relate it back to the earlier Cobb-Douglas formula, it was as if the Soviet Union's alpha, the percentage of an economy's output accrued by its capital, dropped sharply as Soviet capital grew.

What made the Soviet Union so different from capitalist economies? Here's Easterly and Fischer's hypothesis:

The natural question to ask is why Soviet capital-labor substitution was more difficult than in Western market economies, and whether this difficulty was related to the Soviets' planned economic system. [... O]ne possible explanation for the Soviets' substitution problems would be that, under an autocratically directed economic system, they accumulated a narrow rather than a broad range of capital goods. Some forms of physical or human capital that were missing would have been market-oriented entrepreneurial skills, marketing and distributional skills, and information-intensive physical and human capital (because of the restrictions on information flows). It is more difficult to substitute more and more drill presses for a laborer than it is to substitute a drill press plus a computerized inventory and distribution system for a laborer. There is nothing that explicitly supports this conjecture in our results, but it is an interesting direction for further research.

Which brings us back to Allen's upshot: since total factor productivity is back-calculated from a Cobb-Douglas production function, and since the Soviet Union's economy did not fit a Cobb-Douglas production function, the apparent decline in TFP might simply represent the Soviet Union's extreme difficulty in substituting capital for labor as well as a modern market economy, and Soviet productivity might not have stagnated at all.

Except, of course, that Allen is contrary twice.

Posted by coyu at September 17, 2004 02:56 AM
Comments

Obvious question: Is there an Allen equivalent for the economies of Eastern Europe?

There are some real oddities there, after all. Very different political and economic systems -- despite the smaller sample size, arguable the Eastern bloc varied more than the countries of Western Europe, especially in the last decade or two of communist rule.

Yet I've read -- don't have the cite here, alas -- that the ratio between Romanian and Hungarian pcGDP was almost exactly the same c. 2000 as it had been c. 1900. That's a very striking fact, if true.

Also: all these countries underwent very fast urbanization and industrialization in the postwar years. Romania, frex, went from being 80% rural to being about 40% in less than 40 years. Over the same period, agriculture crashed as a percentage of GDP.

(But... so much of it was crap industrialization; factories in places they shouldn't be, making things no one wanted at prices nobody would pay. Unless they had no choice.)

(Other-other hand, some of it wasn't. Much of Romania's power generation and transmission grid, frex, is surprisingly good -- 1970s tech, and now getting a bit old, but still perfectly functional. So one shouldn't overgeneralize.)

Anyhow, it seems like the USSR gets all the attention. What do the failures and successes in places like Romania and Hungary and Yugoslavia suggest?


Doug M.

Posted by: Doug Muir at September 17, 2004 04:38 PM

Well, Allen's book is a contrarian view of late Tsarist and Soviet industrialization and development. As such, there's a certain unity of topic. A comparable book on 20th century Eastern European industrialization and development would have to compare the jumbled legacies of four different empires, confused interwar policies and politics, the different poisons of the Nazi era, and then all those variations of Communism that are taught in a 'comparative economic systems' class. There isn't a standard model, let alone a contrarian one. What do Dresden and Tirana have in common?

(I should note that in former Czechoslovakia, the rural to urban shift took place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, to nearly 50% by the outbreak of World War One. Under Communism, rural workers were actively dissuaded from moving to the large cities.)

I guess I am asking you to narrow your search parameters down. Prewar, interwar, postwar? Southeastern Europe? South Central Europe? The Big Ten? Don't go all 'macro' on me, man.

C.

Posted by: Carlos at September 17, 2004 06:06 PM

PS And no comments about the low elasticity of substitution hypothesis? "But that's the best part!"

Posted by: Carlos at September 17, 2004 06:14 PM

"Which brings us back to Allen's upshot: since total factor productivity is back-calculated from a Cobb-Douglas production function, and since the Soviet Union's economy did not fit a Cobb-Douglas production function, the apparent decline in TFP might simply represent the Soviet Union's extreme difficulty in substituting capital for labor as well as a modern market economy, and Soviet productivity might not have stagnated at all."

Are we sure that it didn't fit a Cobb-Douglas _at all_, though? The elasticities measured for relatively mature industrial economies need not apply to relatively capital-starved peasant economies undergoing "forced draft" industrialization.

That is to say, maybe the C-D model (being merely a convenient mathematical construct) is only appropriate beyond a certain point, and late-Tsarist/early-Soviet Russia need not have been at that point yet.

Posted by: Bernard Guerrero at September 18, 2004 07:46 PM

Hey, Bernard!

This gets more than a little technical. It turns out that the Cobb-Douglas production function is just one of a class of 'constant elasticity of substitution' functions, or CES functions for short. There are several common varieties, like the Leontief production function, where labor and capital can't be substituted at all; an example would be bus drivers and buses. You get a production graph for a Leontief function with a ninety-degree sharp corner. Then there are the linear production functions, where the two factors are perfectly substitutable (this doesn't happen much with labor and capital).

The generalized CES functions were developed in 1961 by Arrow, Minhas, Chenery, and Solow, and I'll bet you recognize at least two of those names. In Cobb-Douglas functions, sigma is equal to one. In Leontief functions, sigma is equal to zero. And in linear production functions, sigma is infinite. So far so good?

Problem was, with the computing technology of the time, CES functions were not easy to regress against the data. What Weitzman did in 1970 (and much of his paper deals with his computer travails) was to analyze which particular CES function the Soviet data fit best. He came up with a sigma of 0.40, about halfway between a normal industrial society and a Leontief society.

Easterly and Fischer asked the same question you did: would the later, fully industrialized Soviet Union show the same peculiar behavior? And the answer is yes. Out of several sets of Soviet industrial estimates, only one set of data showed Cobb-Douglas behavior. All the rest showed elasticities of substitution significantly below one.

It's interesting to contemplate what a industrial society with an even lower elasticity of substitution than the Soviet Union would look like. A society unwilling to substitute capital for labor; a society with very fixed roles for labor; a society disinterested in building the variant forms of human capital Easterly and Fischer suggest.

C.

Posted by: Carlos at September 18, 2004 09:52 PM

"That is to say, maybe the C-D model (being merely a convenient mathematical construct) is only appropriate beyond a certain point, and late-Tsarist/early-Soviet Russia need not have been at that point yet."

There are actually serious conceptual problems with using Cobb Douglas production functions in empirical work. This was proved by a bunch of economists from Cambridge in the 1950s. This led to a lengthy debate across the atlantic which later came to be called the cambridge capital controversy. Most observers today now agree that the criticisms made by Joan Robinson and others are valid. Though that still hasnt stopped many from using the model.
Anyway, the upshot is that using Cobb douglas for empirical work is always extremely dicey.

http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/Capital%20controversy

Posted by: Avinash at September 20, 2004 08:37 AM

Dear Avinash,

Yeah, I know. But these posts have already been drifting into "I can't believe it's so boring!" territory already without me discussing the Cambridge capital controversy. Rest assured that it's been at the back of my mind while I've been writing.

C.

Posted by: Carlos at September 20, 2004 02:35 PM